Joseph
Borkin, as a young lawyer working for a 1934 Senate committee, was
assigned to investigate munitions where he first encountered, I.G.
Farben. For the rest of his government career he kept bumping into
the German conglomerate. When he witnessed the results of war
criminal trials following World War II. He vowed to write a book on
the corporation, published in 1978.
The
company history runs thus (detailed in the book): An executive of one
of the dozen or so German chemical companies, early part of the 20th
century, visiting the U.S., was informed of the measures Standard Oil
had taken to consolidate its power, forming a trust. Inspired he
returned to Germany determined to organize his competitors into what
became the conglomeration known as I.G. Farben. Holding a virtual
international monopoly via patents on key products, everyone grew
rich.
The
company responded during World War I., patriotically, putting
their skills to work creating the first poison gas of the war, which
might have left Germany victorious had I.G. Farben's vision of its
use been quickly and ruthlessly utilized. The company was also
complicit in Germany's damning use of slave labor. The military moved
into Belgium and seized every able-bodied man they could lay hands on
for the project. Generally less than enthusiastic about Hitler's rise
to power, with a few significant exceptions, but preferring him to
the left with its anti-capitalist agenda, the company threw their
support that way, purging Jewish employees, even highly valued
technical and executive level people, and eventually fully utilizing
the “free labor” of concentration camp victims, working them to
death in their quest to fill the rampaging German military's
insatiable need for synthesized fuel and rubber tires. Borkin gives a
horrifying account of what it was like under the cruel boot of the
psychopathic Nazi machine. Malnourished prisoners were marched daily
several miles to the I.G. Farben factory and worked long hours
mercilessly. Those who weakened or fell were shot. A sadist at the
factory gate would select out those he estimated were weakest and
they'd be immediately taken to the gas chamber.
After
the war the high-ranking Nazis who survived and didn't manage to flee
were dealt with by the Nuremberg court with long prison terms and
hanging. But the I.G. Farben top executives were able to stall the
proceedings until things had cooled off somewhat, the cold war having
kicked in and distracted the victors. Many were acquitted and those
who were convicted served three to seven years, very light sentences
for what they had done. Of course when the nation is taken over by
sociopaths not going along is no longer much of an option, an
important lesson to resist early. Jefferson (if he indeed said this,
but it's solid whoever the author) knew of what he spoke - “eternal
vigilance is the price of freedom.” The victors were not subject to
the court so the fire-bombing of Dresden and Tokyo were not on the
docket.
As
well as resisting early, another lesson for statecraft is, avoid
war entirely for it is brutal and dehumanizing. Although some
tyrants openly glorify the practice, most will claim to trigger the
nightmare only after all other options are exhausted. We can be
skeptical, ready examples being the Bush/Cheney Iraq attack and the
Obama drone war. When South Carolina has a grievance with Georgia the
matter is settled by the courts not the National Guard. At least so
far. No reason this model can't be extended internationally though of
course those who are well armed feel they can “win” so why take
the chance? The answer is plain, “We end war or we end ourselves.”
MLK
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